Deportation caravans carrying Armenians and Greeks to exile in interior provinces were ordered stopped and their passengers returned to their homes. 341 The provincial and district governors were ordered to help the investigation committees draw up detailed lists of all the Armenians and Greeks who had lived in the areas under their jurisdiction before the war, how many had been deported and to where, how many had been exempted from deportation and why, how many of those who had been deported from other places were still living where they had been placed, and how many had fled and could no longer be located. Detailed statistical reports were also drawn up showing the ethnic populations of the districts and provinces before and after the war so that they could be submitted when required to the Paris Peace Conference. 342 All Armenians who had been imprisoned for political crimes had to be released at once so they could join the caravans returning the deportees to their homes, but Greek political prisoners, like those Ottoman Greeks who had deserted from the army and fled abroad, had to remain where they were until exchange agreements were made by treaty between the Ottoman Empire and Greece. 343 Exemptions, however, were provided for Greek political prisoners whose families were already living in the provinces that they wanted to go to. 344

Prof. Stanford Shaw, from the documentary THE ARMENIAN REVOLT

On the basis of the reports, Armenians and Greeks from Izmir who had been sent across the deserts to Syria, and the leaders and many members of the Armenian Dashnak and Hunchak revolutionary groups, who had been concentrated at Musul, were ordered to be returned to their homes at once. 345

Most of the deportees, however, had never been sent very far from their homes. Many had been held in camps either in the same county and province as their homes, sometimes in neighboring provinces, sometimes in sectional deportation centers set up at places like Malkara and Uzünkoprü for Greeks from eastern Thrace, Mudanya and Gemlik, on the shores of the Sea of Marmara, for Greeks from the Bursa area, Kayseri for those from south central Anatolia, Izmir for much of central Anatolia, Ankara for the north central and western areas, Bitlis for the northeast, Beypazari and Ayas for the central Black Sea coastal area around Samsun and Bafra, and Urfa and Maras for those from the Southeast. Most of those from Bitlis and Trabzon had been kept as close as Erzurum, Sivas and Mamuretiilaziz. Sinop had been the detention center for those from Kayseri. Mardin and Nusaybin had been used for those from the Diyarbekir area. Large numbers of the deportees had, in fact, been sent to Istanbul, where they remained throughout the War of National Liberation, at first because of lack of transportation, and later because of the chaos caused in western Anatolia by the Greek invasion and the activities of the National Forces as well as of Greek and other bandits.346 These were able to return to their homes very quickly, therefore, often within two or three weeks depending on availability of transportation and the conditions that existed in their original homes. As a result, most of the deportees were back in their home towns even before the Armistice was signed, and the remainder within a few weeks afterwards.

In order to avoid the deaths and suffering that had taken place during the Armenian deportations that had been started with little advance preparation or supervision in 1915, the returning caravans were ordered to be 'well organized and sent by well-known roads. 347 Governors were made personally responsible for the safety and well-being of those being transported back to their homes, and were particularly warned to watch out for the kind of misconduct which some local officials had committed during the war. 348 Those in camps very close to their own homes were sent home at once by the first available conveyances or on foot.349 When they had to go by caravan for long distances, they were delayed by as much as a month after the orders were given so that the routes to be followed could be carefully prepared and the provincial and local officials alerted to have shelter and food ready for the refugees when they arrived and to make sure that they were well housed and fed so they would not try to break away from the caravans and go it on their own, where conditions inevitably would be much worse. The permits to return also were staggered so as not to overburden the caravans as well as the places to which the refugees were returning.350 The refugees sent home in the late autumn had to be expedited so they could arrive before the onslaught of winter. Otherwise they had to be kept where they were until the spring.351 The women and children who were coming to Sivas by the hundreds from Erzincan and Refahiye had to be kept in those places and provided with housing and food through the winter months until they could be sent to their homes in guarded caravans during the spring and summer. 352

Special attention was paid to the health of the deportees as they walked along the roads.353 One local building in each town or village with space for two hundred beds had to be set aside as a hospital for injured or ill deportees.354 Guards were provided at all stages to prevent the kind of attacks which had so decimated many of the Armenian deportation caravans in 1916.355 Because of the shortage of train and truck transportation. those who could walk and care for themselves along the way were sent before those who were old and ill and would have difficulty going on foot. Wagons were provided for women and children as well as for elderly men who were not physically capable of walking.356 \Men who had land and shops in their homes which they could use to begin engaging in trade and commerce were given preference over laborers.357 Many of those whose departure was postponed and who had attempted to return to their homes on their own soon found themselves without food or shelter, lying beside the roads while desperately waiting for help, leading the Istanbul government to order its provincial officials to both send out squads to find such people and return them to the camps as well as to take special precautions to prevent refugees from returning home except in organized caravans in which they could be protected and cared for.358 When the Ministry of the Interior discovered that the Commander of the Third Army had forced 'orphans and poor and helpless refugees around Harput and Dersim to go on foot to Maras and Elbistan,' he was admonished and order[ed] to send them properly and safely, and only when caravans were ready to take them.359 Where possible, steamships were used to transport refugees from the deportation locations to the ports nearest their homes.360 Despite all the preparations, however, food often was in short supply along the road, and the available rations often were supplemented for those who agreed to work for a few days on local roads and railroads. On one occasion, the men in an Armenian caravan had been given extra food in return for working on a railroad line near Nusaydin, leading the local Muslims to complain that the Christians were being favored. After a quick wire to Istanbul for instructions, the local army commander told the Muslims that they also would get extra food if they joined the work crews, which they did. 361

One of the most difficult problems which had to be faced during the Armistice years was what to do about Christian women and children who had been protected, housed and cared for in Muslim homes during the war. Many of the women had married Muslims, converted to Islam and born Muslim children. Many had married and born children but had not themselves converted. A few had been forced to convert, most had done so willingly. Most Armenian and Greek children had been housed and protected by Muslim families without being converted, but some of the younger ones did not know what they were and had accepted the religion of their new parents.374 Thus American missionary Mary L. Graffam reported to American commissioner Louis Heck that, much to her surprise and unhappiness, 'For some reason or other all the girls and children in Moslem house... resist violently all efforts of their relations to take them away... '375 When, then, was to be done with them? Wartime propaganda in the Allied countries had insisted that all Christian women and children had been forcibly 'kidnapped into Muslim harems,' and that all wanted to return to their original communities, families and religions. From the very first days of the occupation, therefore, the occupying powers forced the Ottoman government to order tlIat all Christian women and children found in Muslim homes, who were identified as such by Christian authorities and missionaries, whether or not they had converted to Islam, and even when they could produce documents showing that they had been born to Muslim parents, be turned over to the missionaries or the Christian communities and converted or reconverted [to] Christianity, regardless of whether they wanted to or not. Forced conversions and marriages were automatically annulled unless the Armenians or Greeks petitioned to remain in the Muslim religion and with their Muslim husbands.376 Armenians and Greeks who had been sheltered in Muslim homes during the wartime deportations without marriage, conversation or any other change in their status also had to be released to their communities so that they could be returned to their homes.377 Armenians and Greeks who had converted to Islam during the deportations, and even before World War I started, including women who had married Muslim husbands and born Muslim children were allowed to return to their old religion with their children by getting a statement (ilmühaber) from its religious chief and submitting it to the local mayor (muhtar) for registration and issuance of a new identity card (nüfüs tezkeresi) through the normal Ottoman population registration (nüfüs) procedures.378 In places where Christian millet authority was not available, the children had to be turned over to the director of the nearest local Christian missionary school (kolej müdiri), if possible in the presence of a priest.379

Many women and children who were forced to return to their Armenian or Greek families and communities found themselves isolated and often punished due to their Muslim upbringing, leaving them in absolute destitution until the Ottoman government again arranged to care for them.380 As a result of such difficulties, the policy later was modified, however, so that it applied only to minors aged twenty or less who were living in Muslim homes, with those above that age allowed to choose whether to remain or leave.381 Later the age requirement was reduced even more to ten.382 This policy applied, however, only to those who were already in Muslim homes. There still were difficulties. Young Armenian and Greek children who had lived most of their lives with Muslim 'fathers' did not want to remain with Christian 'strangers', whether real parents or not, particularly since the latter often treated them with suspicion and even hostility because of their Muslim upbringing, causing many of these children to flee into the streets, where the Ottoman government ordered local authorities to pick them up once again and return them to their Christian communities on the grounds that these children were now Christian and therefore were entirely the responsibility of their own communities. 383 Continued refusal of originally Christian women and children to leave their Muslim homes led to complaints by the Armenian and Greek church authorities, to which the Allied police responded by forcing the persons in question to leave their families whether they wanted to or not. 384 Another problem involved reports that Christian missionaries were kidnapping young Muslim children off the streets and converting them to Christianity before they were old enough to know what was happening to them.385

In the provinces under the control of the Istanbul government, orphans who clearly identified themselves as Armenian or Greek were turned over to their own millets for care in those towns and cities where the millets had their own orphanages or other facilities to care for them, though in many cases neither the orphans nor the families wanted them to leave. The only exceptions that could be made originally involved Christian women and children living with Muslim families in areas where there were no Christian community organizations or families to whom they could be given. In such cases alone were they allowed to remain with their Muslim families, under strict supervision, until arrangements could be made for their transfer to other places where Christian community organizations could take them in.386 For the thousands of orphans who identified themselves as Muslim as well as Christian orphans found in areas where the Armenian and Greek millets had no facilities or were unable to care for them for other reasons, the government established orpanages in all the major provincial centers, sometimes run by government officials, but most often by the Red Crescent organization based in Istanbul, helped by the privately organized and financed Protection of Children Society ( Himaye-i Etfal Camiyeti).387 Manyof the older refugee orphans who were of school age were sent directly to trade schools to learn something which would fit them to go out and support themselves as soon as possible.388 The Ottoman government was uncertain what to do about Armenian men, women and children who continued to apply to local officials to convert to Islam long after the occupation had begun, fearing that to accept their requests would bring upon them new accusations of 'forced conversion,' while rejection would violate one of the most fundamental tenets pf Islam, Finally, a compromise was developed, with the government requiring all such applicants to discuss their requests with an Armenian priest in the presence of an Allied military or civilian official before they were allowed to convert. 389

Most of the thousands of children who came directly to Istanbul and other cities where the Allied occupation authorities were in control were turned over to missionary rescue organizations, who automatically identified them as Christians and assigned them to Christian families even though many in fact were Muslims and Jews and identified themselves as such at the time and later on when they grew to adulthood.390 In September, 1919 French Military Governor in Cilicia, Edouard Bremond, issued orders that all Christian women and children living in Muslim homes anywhere in the area had to go to Christian homes within a week unless they specifically went to the office of the High Commission to ask permission to stay with their Muslim husbands or fathers. Needless to say, when they did go to ask permission, missionaries were at hand to try to convince them to alter their decision.391

Despite these problems, British High Commissioner John de Robeck, however, praised what was being done in a report to London:

...I have the honour to invite Your Lordship's attention to the following considerations and expression of my views respecting the restitution of Christian women and children found in Moslem homes.

Vice-Admiral John Michael de  Robeck (1862-1928) ; led the Dardanelles  Campaign, and served as High Commissioner at  Istanbul 1919-20.

2. Dealing firmly with the question of children so situated, it would appear that the procedure which is in operation at Mosul, namely that children are only removed after enquiry through Mohammedan Courts, and only then when the applicant is a near relation, is too restricted, and that guardians and priests should also be accorded the right to claim restitution of a child. Children have not discretion, and to leave them in Moslem hands tends to put a premium on forced conversion and massacre. Moreover, it should be borne in mind that in numerous cases there are no near surviving relatives to apply for the child.

3. In cases where a child is
 indisputably and demonstrably Armenian (or Greek), I consider that its surrender ought to be effected, irrespective of whether it has become accustomed to, and happy in, its new home, or not, and that such child should there and then be handed over to its relatives, the local priest of the community, or the missionaries.

4. The difficulty of settling the nationality of orphans reclaimed from Moslem houses in Constantinople has been considerable. As stated in my telegram above-mentioned, the establishment and operation of a 'Neutral House,' although many children whose nationality would otherwise not have been ascertained have thereby been recovered, have caused considerable feeling. The original procedure has now been altered. A 'Neutral House' managed and staffed entirely by American or British ladies has been instituted. There are grounds for hoping that this will prove more efficient and popular than the previous one, where the decisions as to nationality were taken by a mixed Armenian, Turkish and American Committee, and were the attendants were Armenians and Turks.

5. In view of the partial document which this system has evoked, I would hesitate to recommend its adoption save in areas rendered especially suitable by the presence of effective British control.

6. The question in regard to married women is even less simple of solution. Some of them have been married to their husbands for four years and experience shows that in many cases they do indeed prefer to remain with them.

7. Some distinction may be made according as they have or have not reached the age of discretion; and in cases where they have borne children to their Moslem husbands this factor may also bear weight. It would not appear possible to fix an arbitrary age limit as regards years of discretion, which should rather vary in different parts of the Empire.

8. While opposed to the forcible removal of married women of mature age, I consider that all possible encouragement and assistance should be afforded them with a view to their leaving their Moslem husbands and rejoining those of their own race and religion. And as regards those who have not reached years of discretion, I am of opinion that their forcible removal is frequently both justified and desirable. Cases where children of from 11 to 15 have been married under compulsion by Moslems, with the express intention of frustrating their subsequent recovery by those of their own race, are far from infrequent.

9. According to the Mosul practice, the question of the abandoning of their husbands by Armenian women is left to the Turkish law, This weighs the scales heavily against the women, whereas I consider that the contrary should be the case.

10. As regards both women and children, the measure of success attained must depend on the personal influence and tact of the British officials and on local conditions. Even were the Ottoman Government to pass a law, it would remain largely a dead letter.

11. I am fully alive to the very great difficulties which any intervention in the subject under discussion entails. I submit, however, that. it is a matter in which it would be unthinkable to refrain from action, even if some measure of odium be inevitably incurred thereby. For our efforts will result in some slight reparation being made to the Armenian communities, and will moreover tend to act as a deterrent as regards possible future massacres...392

The terrible scenes that resulted were described by the eminent Turkish author Halide Edib (Adivar) in her published recollections of the period:

... Taking the Armenian children from the Turkish orphanages was becoming a tragic sight. A committee was founded, presided over by Colonel Heathcote Smythe, and it was attempting to find the Armenian children and separate them from the Turkish children. They had rented a house in Shishli (a quarter of Istanbul). The majority of the central committee which was to separate the children were Armenians. Nezihe Hanim, General Secretary of the women's' branch of the Red Crescent, had been invited to represent the Turks...When children were brought from the orphanages in Anatolia to Istanbul, they were sent to the Armenian church in Kumkapu, and there they were claimed to be Armenian. Some children tried to escape, but were caught and brought back.

Halide Edip

It was a day when I had gone to visit Nezihe Hallim. Two frightened children came into the room, one was limping and the other had been wounded in the head... They had come from an orphanage and had been brought to a church. They had strongly resisted being considered as Armenians, as the Armenians had killed their parents. They had been severely beaten, but had succeeded in escaping. They were crying, they were pleading to be protected, not to be sent back... Nezihe Hanim called a few journalists and requested that they be brought to Mr. Ryan, the head translator of the British Embassy... Although it was known how much hatred he had against the Turks, Nezihe Hanim thought that he would be compassionate in the presence of these two innocent and desperate children. . . I later heard that when these two children were speaking, an Armenian official entered the room to say something to Mr. Ryan. One of the children screamed ‘this was the man who beat and kicked us'. The man was a member of the delegation in the Church of Kumkapu. . . . The pain of this little creature affected me very much. For me he symbolized the desperate Turkish nation. He was small and weak. 393

The American Commissioner in Istanbul related the experience of an American missionary at Sivas, Mary L. Graffam, on January 27,1919:

Reports received from Konia and elsewhere indicate that a considerable proportion of Armenian girls taken into Turkish houses prefer to remain there, and that even when they would like to leave they hesitate to make the step, either because it would involve separation from their children or because they have no way of earning a living.. For some reason or other all the girls and children in Moslem houses take the same attitude as this girl and resist violently all efforts of the relatives to take them away... ' Miss Graffam relates how she tried to get the girl out of the house, but that the girl absolutely did not want to go. 394

The result of all this was explosive. Most residents of the towns in question were unwilling to take back their former Christian neighbors under any circumstances, particularly because of the fear that their presence would lead to the creation of Christian states in which Muslims would be the persecuted minority, as had happened in much of Southeastern Europe. There were constant fights between the Turkish refugees and the Armenian and Greek refugees returning to their homes, and these often spread to the entire communities on both sides, with the Ottoman efforts to stop the turmoil completely unsuccessful.412 In many cases the Turkish refugees who were forced to leave the homes in which they had been settled took all the furnishings with them or destroyed them and sometimes even burned the homes as they departed. They resisted with particular vehemence when attempts were made to force them out of their homes into tents even before the returning owners arrived.413 In other cases, they simply refused to leave, and the returning deportees used force to reoccupy their old homes. Sometimes they did this on their own initiative, using arms distributed to them by Armenian and Greek priests who traveled through Anatolia under Allied protection on the pretext of inspecting the condition of churches.414 Sometimes they acted with the assistance of Allied control officers stationed in the major towns and cities to supervise the resettlement. When their homes were found to be derelict or destroyed, the latter helped them to forcibly evict Turkish and other Muslim families in neighboring houses, even those who had deeds (tapu tezkere) showing that the properties in question had been long held by themselves and their families.415 When there were disputes regarding rights of ownership, the Allied control officers invariably settled them in favor of the Christian claimants, usually based entirely on their word because of the claim that their documents had been destroyed during the war.416 When the Christian refugees complained about how much food was being allocated to the Muslim refugees, Allied intervention soon provided the former with much more than the latter, leading to even more resentment, hatred and conflict.417 At times, [the] Ottoman government attempted to soothe over such situations by renting temporary accommodations, either for the evicted Muslim refugees or for the returning Christian deportees, but few houses were available, and most had to live in tents, mostly exposed to the elements, leaving the quarrels as devastating as they had been.418

Many of the people entering Anatolia as 'refugees,' moreover, turned out to be Greek and Armenian immigrants from Russia, Egypt and elsewhere who had never lived there before, but were being sent to Anatolia by nationalist groups in order to strengthen their territorial claims based on population figures.419 The Ottoman government repeatedly prohibited such practices, ordering its border guards to admit only those who could produce documentation proving that they had lived in the Ottoman Empire before the war, and to deliver such properties only to their original owners, excluding those who were likely to disturb order or cause trouble.420 In practice, however, it was almost impossible to enforce these restrictions, particularly for large groups brought on Allied ships, who were admitted by the order of the Allied military or control officers without the Ottoman officials being to intervene or check their papers. The arrival at Izmit in March, 1919 of some two hundred Dashnak fighters on a freighter hired by American Armenians who had brought them from southern Russia, added to the chaos by letting them loose in a frenzy of killing added to that already resulting from the constant raids of Armenian and Turkish bands.421 Another Armenian Dashnak group was landed at Izmir in March 1919 and attacked a large number of Muslim villages along the Aegean coast both before and after the Greek invasion.422 In a few cases along the Black Sea coast, Armenians and Greeks who could not reach their original distant homes settled in whatever Muslim homes they wished in many cases with. the assistance of Allied soldiers and policemen who were openly sympathetic to their co-religionists.423 Some returning Armenians settled in the vacated homes of Greeks and vice versa, adding to the turmoil. 424 Some of the returning Armenians, moreover, attacked Muslim travelers while still on the road, stealing their money and their goods and in a few cases murdering them in revenge for what had happened during World War I, adding to the difficulties. 425

Of course the deported Armenians and Greeks were far from being the only refugees who had to be cared for and relocated. There were Greek refugees from Thrace, and Assyrians (Süryani-i Kadim), who had been deported from the war zones along with the Armenians during World War 1.420 There were Ottoman nationals of all religions, Christian, Jewish and Muslim alike, who had been employed as secretaries (tercüman) and servants (kavass) of enemy embassies and consulates before the war and who therefore had been thrown into jail when the first mobilization began.427 There were Ottoman Greeks who had managed to take foreign citizenship and who therefore had not been deported during the war, but who now wanted to leave.428 There were Entente military officers and soldiers who had been Ottoman prisoners and who now had to be freed in accordance with the Armistice agreement, being sent to Istanbul or Izmir to be turned over to their own armed forces.429 There also were the hundreds of German and Austrian subjects, including quite a large number of Armenians and Greeks, who had been employed by the Ottoman railroads and Public Debt Commission offices throughout the Empire, along with their families, who were required by the Armistice to leave the Empire within a month. After a time, however, a Mixed Allied and Ottoman commission based in Istanbul allowed the companies that they worked for to retain their services on the grounds that they could not be replaced. Rather than to return to an uncertain future in their home countries, most of them renounced their old citizenships and become Ottoman subjects in order to remain at their posts.430 The remainder were kept on their jobs as long as possible, but finally starting in December 1918, most of those working in Anatolia were moved to Adana and from there by train to Izmir, from which ships took them to Bandlrma and then overland to Istanbul, from which they returned to their home countries, with the expenses for transportation and food paid by the Ottoman government only in cases of severe need.431 And, finally, there were hundreds of 'enemy nationals,' citizens of Britain, France, Italy and Greece, who had been held under house arrest during the war, unable to leave the Empire, most of whom now were free to travel to the nearest port for transportation back to their home countries.432

Partial List of Footnotes

337 Aksam no. 1341, 16 June 1922, no. 1347, 22June 1922 (with photographs), no. 1354, 29 June 1922.

338 Conference of Ministers: minutes, 25 November 1920. Cabinet papers 23/23, quoted in Gilbert, Churchill Companion IV/2, pp. 1252-1253.

339 Harbiye Nezareti lasi Müdüriyet-i Umumiyesi to Konya lase Murahhasl Mirliva Esad Pasa, 20 Cemazi II 1336 / 2 April 1918: BBA DH/SFR, dosya 86, doc. 23; Harbiye Nezareti Levazim-i Umumi Dairesi to governors of Ankara, Kastamonu, and Edirne and other provinces, and district governors of Kütahya Eskisehir, Izmit, Bolu and other districts, 24 Cemazi II 1336 / 6 April 1918: BBA DH/SFR, dosya 86, doc. 48; Asair ve Mühacirin (Istanbul Dahiliye) to Governors of Beirut and Damascus and District Governor of Beirut, 26 Cemazi II 1336 / 8 April 1918: BBA DH/SFR, dosya 86, doc. 76; Asair ve Mühacirin (Istanbul Dahiliye) to Governors of Mamuretülaziz and Diyarbekir, 26 Cemazi II 1336 / 8 April 1918: BBA DH/SFR, dosya 86, doc. 80; Asair ve Muhacirin (Istanbul Dahiliye) to Governor of Bitlis, 28 Cemazi II 1336 / 10 April 1918: BBA DH/SFR, dosya 86, doc. 91; lase Nezareti, Muamelat-l Ticariye Müdüriyet-i Umumi (Istanbul Dahiliye) to governors of Ankara and Eskisehir, 8 Safar 1337 / 13 November 1918: BBADH/SFR, dosya 93, doc. 152.

340 Ibrahim Edhem Atnur, 'Tehcirden Donen Rum ve Ermenilerin Emvalinin Iadesine Bir Baksi,' Toplumsal Tarihi no. 9 (September 1994), pp. 45-48; Ibrahim Edhem Atnur, 'Osmanh Hükümetleri ve Tehcir Edilen Rum ve Ermenilerin Yeniden Iskani Meselesi,' Ankara Universitesi Turk Inklilap Tarihi Enstitüsü Dergisi no. 14 (November 1994), pp. 121-139. Asair ve Mühacirin to Governor of Karahisar-i Sahib, 12 Cemazi II 1337 / 15 March 1919: BBA DH/SFR dosya 97, doc. 143; Asair ve Mühacirin (Istanbul dahiliye) to governors of Erzurum, Trabzon, Van, Bitlis and other provinces and district of Erzincan, 18 Rebi I 1337 / 22 December 1919: BBA DH/SFR, dosya 94, doc. 204; Ibrahim Edhem Atnur, 'Tehcirden Donen Rum ve Ermeniler'in Iskan Meselesi' (Unpublished Yüksek Lisans tezi, Atatürk University, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Erzurum, 1991).

Holdwater note: Transferring the footnotes was too much work, so those of you who need to check these details will have to scrounge up a copy of the book; sorry! Many derived from Ottoman archival sources as the last two above. Below are a select few others.

375 Mary L. Graffam (Sivas) to American Commissioner (Istanbul) Louis Heck, 27 January 1919, enclosed in Heck to Secretary of State no. 77, n d. (filed 25 February 1921): USDS Decimal File 867.4016/403.

390 Turkish intelligence report of 28 December 1922:CA (Ankara) BBK/30/10 kutu 108/dosya 7091doc. 7; Turkish intelligence report of 3 December 1922: CA (Ankara), BBK/30/10 kutu 206/dosya 406/doc. 5; Asair ve Mühacirin (Istanbul Dahiliye) to governors of Edirne, Erzurum and Ankara, district governors of Canik, Catalca and Karesi, 19 Cemazi I 1337 / 20 February 1919: BBA DH/SFR, dosya 96, doc. 248; The procedures by which this was done are described in: Calthorpe to Curzon no. 1491, 19 July 1919: FO 371/4196/3349/106070/44; Emniyet-i Umumiye (Istanbul Dahiliye) to governors of Edirne, Erzurum. Adana and district governors of Urfa, Izmir and Bolu, 15 Rebi II 1337/ 18January 1919: BBADH/SFR dosya 95, doc. 163.

391 Vakit no. 661, 2 September 1919; Asair ve Mühacirin (Istanbul Dahiliye) to Governor of Bitlis, 8 Cemazi II 1337/11 March 1919: BBA DH/SFR, dosya 97, doc. 104.

392 de Robeck to Curzon no. 1778/5018/12,27 September 1919: FO 371/4234/140455.

393 Halide Edib (Adivar), The Turkish Ordeal (London, 1928), pp. 16-18

394 Yeni Gazete, 15 January 1919. See also Mary L. Graffam, 'On the Road with Exiled Armenians,' The Missionary Herald CXI (November 1915), pp. 565-568.

395 Enclosures in Admiral Richard Webb for High Commissioner, Constantinople, to Foreign Office, 27 February 1919, no. 255:FO 371/4173/1270/42773 396 Kalem-i Mahsus (Istanbul Dahiliye) to all provincial and district governors, 9 Saban 1337/10 May 1919: BBADH/SFR (Istanbul Dahiliye) dosya 99, no. 110.

397 Brochure of Ottoman Ministry of Interior in reply to League of Nations accusations that there were thousands of Christian women forced into Muslim harems; Cemiyeti akvam ve Turkiye’deki Ermeni ve Rumlar, Dahiliye Nezareti Muhacarin Kalem Md. Nesriyat no. 6, Istanbul, 1922.

398 Sir W. Townley, The Hague, to Foreign Office, 16 November 1918: FO 371/3417/189916. The Armenian response was to ask the Allies to get the Papal representative to send those children off to the Armenian Patriarchate in Istanbul for care and education.

415 The conflicts that arose when returning Armenians and Greeks attempted to settle in their old homes are described in hundreds of documents found in the archives of the Ottoman Ministry of the Interior. Among them are: Emniyet-i Umumiye (Istanbul Dahiliye) to Governor of Hüdavendigar (Bursa). 20 Muharrem 1337 / 4 November 1918: BBADH/SFR, dosya 93, doc. 29; Emniyet-i Umumiye (Istanbul Dahiliye) to governors of Edirne, Sivas, Adana and other provinces, and district governors of Urfa, Izmit, Bolu and other districts, 29 Muharrem 1337 1 4 November 1918: BBADH/SFR, dosya 93, doc. 31; [several other examples have been provided by Prof. Shaw.]

445 Details of the widespread Muslim boycotts of Christian shops throughout Anatolia are found in Ottoman Ministry of the Interior (Istanbul Dahiliye) dossier dated 23 Cemazi II 1337 / 26 March 1919: BBADH/I-UM, dosya 19/5, doc. 1/48.